Publication Date
2009
Categories
The beginning of relations between Italian and Portuguese cities took place between the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. After the opening of Genoese, Pisan, and Venetian commercial routes to England and Flanders, particularly the ports of Southampton, London, and Bruges, the Portuguese sovereigns gave significant tax privileges to fleets that stopped in ports of the kingdom; their goal was to control merchandise coming from Italian cities and to export local products.
Economic historians Virginia Rau, Federigo Melis, and more recently Luisa D'Arienzo identified four main types of merchandise that were traded between Italian cities and Portugal: textiles, especially wool cloth from Florence, silk from Florence and Lucca, and brocade and taffeta from Bologna; various manufactured products, including crockery, weaponry from the Brescia and Bergamesque valleys, and paper from Fabriano and Colle Val d'Elsa; artworks, such as illuminated codices, panel paintings, valuable furniture, statues and ceramics, especially from Florence and Venice; and finally, after the invention of printing, books about all branches of knowledge (especially grammar, rhetoric, theology, astrology, and classics rediscovered by Italian humanists in Latin, Italian, and Hebrew) that originated mainly from the stationery shops and printing presses of Florence, Venice, Bologna, and Rome.
Portugal exported mainly leather, dyes, dried fish and fruit, and in 1470 began to trade in Madeira sugar (particularly with Genoa and Florence) and slaves. Sugar and slaves established Portugal's economic fortune in the Mediterranean and helped strengthen its navigators' seafaring experiences through the use of carracks-large ships, round in form, that were adapted for long trips and armed for war-as well as the faster caravels.
In 1317 King Dinis of Portugal (1261-1325) appointed Manuele Pessagno of Genoa as almirante-mor (grand admiral) of the royal navy. Pessagno-who came from a family of ship owners from Liguria that arranged trade expeditions to England (ad partes Anglie)-had jurisdictional authority over all Portuguese seamen, as well as the crown's permission to transfer his position to his direct descendants. Commanding a Portuguese fleet around 1336, the Genoese nobleman Lanzarotto Malocello rediscovered one of the thirteen islands that classical Latin and Greek geographers had called Insulae Fortunatae (Fortunate Isles), a legendary archipelago located at the limits of the then-known world. It came to be called the Canary Islands after a name used by Pliny in his Historia Naturalis; five years later, in 1341, came the expedition partially sponsored by Dinis's son, Afonso IV. Led by Nicoloso da Recco and a Florentine named Angiolino del Tegghia de' Corbizzi, the Portuguese ships explored the entire Canary archipelago and probably Madeira as well. Recco, one of the twenty captains specified in Pessagno's contract from the Portuguese crown, was identified in the notary documents of the period as a speciarius (spice merchant). The crew was made up of various nationalities: Portuguese, Castillians, Majorcans, Genoese, and Florentines. A few Florentine merchants working in the Seville branch of the Compagnia dei Bardi bank collected Recco's report and sent it to the bank's headquarters. Written in the Florentine dialect, the report was translated into Latin by the young Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375); the poet and author was connected to the bank through his father. The De Canaria et insulis reliquis ultra Ispaniam in Occeano noviter repertis, written by Boccaccio in 1342, is the most complete surviving testimony of this voyage of discovery.
In the fifteenth century these relationships gradually became stronger. Links with prominent Italian centers of trade, culture, and politics and in particular Florence (home of the affluent Marchionni, Cambini and Sernigi merchants), Genoa and Venice were particularly important. The Mediterranean was filled with numerous vessels-Portuguese, Italian, Iberian. The Portuguese offered their services to Genoa, Florence, and Venice and also to Malaga, Valencia, and Majorca. At the same time, a network of consulates was created in the main Mediterranean ports of call, in addition to the cities already mentioned, the ports of Andalusia, North Africa, Sicily and Sardinia, as far as the Greek islands. These connections took place within a pan-European commercial network that linked the Mediterranean with the Atlantic: in Northern Europe, relevant ties were woven with Augsburg and Nuremberg in Germany and Bruges, and Antwerp in Flanders.
Florentine, Genoese, and Portuguese merchant companies also encouraged a constant presence of Portuguese students, clergy, and nobility at Italian universities and cultural centers. Bologna, Ferrara, Siena, Florence, Pavia, Padua, Perugia, and Pisa were academic centers that educated the most important Portuguese scholars of the era, awarding degrees in civil law, canon law, theology and philosophy. Portuguese students, monks, and nobles who moved to Italy received money from the crown through the network of agencies that handled currency exchange: the companies of Iacopo di Ser Vanni, the Ghinetti, and Bartolomeo Marchionni. Exchanges of funds were made from Florence in the main Italian city squares and at the papal curia.
An important chapter in the history of the relationships between Italian cities and Portugal concerns spice trade and the changing in world spice trade routes and equilibrium after Portuguese Expansion in the Indian and the Atlantic Ocean in the sixteenth century.
When Vasco da Gama's and Cabral's fleets returned to Lisbon respectively in 1499 and 1501 with a cargo of spices (Cabral had also a shipload of gold from Sofala) Venice was the most important Western hub for spices acquired through diplomatic and commercial relations with the Mamluks. Portuguese inruption on to the Eurasian spice trade at the very beginning of the sixteenth century with the inauguration of a dramatic oceanic route to the traditional areas of spice cultivation in the East, that is the Indian Malabar coast, Ceylon and, few decades later, the Moluccas in the Indonesian archipelago (Insulindia) challenged directly Venetian commercial interests.
Historical studies of the Portuguese spice trade convincingly produced by one of the doyens of Portuguese historical scholarship, Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, have unearthed most existing documentation relating to the sixteenth-century commerce and politics related to spices. According to Godinho the Portuguese Empire which, if diffuse, was basically an empire sustained by overseas commerce, providing 68% of Crown revenues in 1515, and in essence an empire of the East, in which oriental spices were the single most important source of revenue, more than all sources of Portuguese domestic revenue combined, and responsible for as much as 40% of total income accruing to the Crown. Portuguese history is dominated by this orientation until the 1580s, when the next great cycle of Portuguese economic history begins with the gradual substitution of her imperiled eastern possessions for the relative proximity and security of her Brazilian territories.
The traditional view, passed down through Adam Smith's classic An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, had suggested that the appearance of the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean sounded the death knell of Venetian long-distance trade. Ultimately, it seems that the Portuguese trade little damaged that of Venice and the Mediterranean in general (only for the first fifteenth years of the sixteenth century the Venetians disappeared from view in the global spice market), several crisis emerged between the Portuguese Crown and the Venetian Senate. The crucial issues in these crisis were related to the opening of a Crown feitoria (Crown Staple) in Antwerp in 1506 and the negotiations with the Venetians for the relinquishment of the re-export trade since 1521 and 1527, when the Venetian Senate is thought to have proposed D. João III that they make a contract for all the pepper arriving in Lisbon except that destined for domestic consumption. Finally, it was only by the end of the sixteenth century that medieval networks of trade dominated by Venetian supply were gradually substituted by new global trade networks dominated by the Portuguese and Dutch empires.
Basing themselves on the research on Portuguese and Italian commercial ties since the Middle ages, more recent studies on Portuguese and Italian literature mostly related to the debate on the use of Latin and the vernaculars; on the interaction of the Portuguese and Italian churches in the Counter-Reformation; on the Italian contribution to sixteenth-century Portuguese architecture and painting; on Italians in Portugal during the age of the Portuguese Expansion; on Portuguese patrons of the Florentine and Venetian book trade; on Portuguese students and clergy in Rome, Bologna and Florence; and on Portuguese royal collecting, have been constructing a wider comparative cultural analysis of the interaction of the two areas.
While challenging, once for ever, old views of these interactions (summarized by the motto "Italy gave, Portugal received"), these studies produce a more balanced and truthful view of these interactions, highlighting three main cultural processes: the separateness and incorporation of the Portuguese in Italy, and Italians in Portugal; the acquisition, appropriation and imitation of each other's cultures; and the creation and memorialization of the past.
In the framework of these investigations, scholars have also been focusing on what the word "Portoghese" meant in sixteenth-century Italian. "More often than one might imagine - Anthony Molho argues - it referred to a new Christian (a Jew converted to Christianity), or to a new Jew (a Jew who, having converted to Christianity, once again embraced Judaism). The presence of these "Portoghesi" was substantial in Livorno, Ancona, and Venice (but also Ferrara, Florence, and Rome). They had their own synagogues, were often referred to as the "Natione Portoghese", and, perhaps most crucially for scholars interested in the problem of cultural diffusion, until at least the opening decades of the eighteenth century used the Portuguese language to communicate with each other. [ ] These Portuguese were for centuries carriers of Portuguese culture in Italy".
Bibliography:
ALBUQUERQUE, L. de (ed.), Dicionário de história dos descobrimentos portugueses, 2 vol., Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, 1994. ALBUQUERQUE, L. de, Os descobrimentos portugueses, Lisboa: Publicações Alfa: Selecções do Reader's Digest, 1985. BATTELLI, G., "La corrispondenza del Poliziano col Re Giovanni II di Portogallo", in Rinascita, II, 6, Firenze, 1939. BATTELLI, G., Due celebri monaci portoghesi in Firenze nella prima meta del Quattrocento : l'abate Gomes e Velasco di Portogallo, Firenze, L. S. Olschki, 1939. BATTELLI, G., Sansovino Andrea e l'arte italiana della rinascenza in Portogallo : Con 24 riproduzioni di fotografie inedite, Frenze, Libr. Internaz. Seeber, 1936. CARNEMOLLA, S., Fonti italiane dei secoli XV-XVII sull'espansione portoghese, Pisa, ETS 2000. CATTANEO, A., "From the Mediterranean to the Atlantic. Venice, Florence and Lisbon. Commercial Routes and Networks of Knowledge, 1300-1550," in Encompassing the Globe: Portugal and the World in the 16th & 17th Centuries. Essays [Vol. 3]. Edited by Jay A. Levenson. Washington, D.C.: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, 2007 pp. 13-21. COSTA, A. Domingues de Sousa - "Estudantes portugueses na Reitoria do Colégio de S. Clemente de Bolonha na primeira metade do século XV", sep., Lisboa, 1969. D'ARIENZO, L., La presenza degli italiani in Portogallo al tempo di Colombo, Roma, Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato, 2003. DESWARTE, S., Le mage, le calice, les enluminures et le reste : Francesco Salviati et Francisco de Holanda entre Rome et Venise (1538-1540), Rome : École Française, 2001, pp. 313-353. DINIS, A. J. Dias (ed.), Monumenta Henricina 1443-1445, 15 voll. Coimbra, Comissão Executiva das Comemorações do V Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique, 1960-1978. DUREL, A., L'imaginaire des épices: Florence-Venise, XIVe-XVIe siècles, Paris, 2005. FARIA, A., Portugal e Itália, 2 volls, Livorno, 1900-1906. GODINHO, V. M., Os descobrimentos e a economia mundial. 2a ed., 4 vol., Lisboa : Presença, 1984. GODINHO, V. M., História económica e social da expansão portuguesa, tomo I, Lisboa: Terra-Editora, 1947. GODINHO, V. M., Mito e mercadoria, utopia e prática de navegar: séculos XIII-XVIII. Lisboa : Difel, 1990. HALIKOWSKI Smith, Portugal and the European Spice Trade, 1480-1580, Ph.D. Dissertation, Firenze, European University Institute, 2001. LOWE, K. (ed.), Cultural Links between Portugal and Italy in the Renaissance New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. LUZZATO, G., "La decadenza di Venezia dopo le Scoperte Geografiche nella tradizione e nella realtà", Archivio Veneto, quinta seria n. 54 (1954). MENDONÇA, M., "Alguns aspectos das relações entre Portugal e as repúblicas italianas nos últimos 25 anos do século XV", in Congresso Internazionale di studi storici, Génova, 1987. MOLHO, A., "Review of K. J. P. Lowe, Cultural Links between Portugal and Italy in the Renaissance. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000," Renaissance Quarterly, December 2001. MOREIRA de Sa, A., Humanistas portugueses em Italia. Subsidios para o estudo de Frei Gomes de Lisboa, dos dois Luises Teixeiras, de Joao de Barros e de Henrique Caiado, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional - Casa da Moeda, 1983. OLIVEIRA MARQUES, J., Veneza e Portugal no século XVI: subsídios para a sua história, Lisboa: CNCDP, Imprensa Nacional-Casa de Moeda, 2000. RADULET, C., Os descobrimentos portugueses e a Itália: ensaios filológicos-literários e historiográficos; introd. Luís Albuquerque; trad. Edite Caetano. Lisboa: Vega, D.L. 1991. RADULET, C., Thomaz, L. F., Viagens portuguesas à Índia (1497-1513): fontes italianas para o sua históri : o Códice Riccardiano 1910 de Florença; transcrição e apresent. Carmen M. RADULET; pref., trad. e notas Luís Filipe F. R. Thomaz, Lisboa : Comissão Nac. para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 2002. RAU, V., Melis, F., "Cartas de Lisboa no Arquivo Datini de Prato", in Estudos Italianos em Portugal, 21-22, Lisboa, 1963. RAU, V., Portugal e o Mediterrâneo no século XV: alguns aspectos diplomáticos e económicos das relações com a Itália, Lisboa: Centro de Estudos da Marinha, 1973. SILVA Marques, J. M. da - Iria, A. (a cura di), Descobrimentos portugueses: documentos para a sua história, 3 voll., Lisboa, Instituto para a Alta Cultura, 1944-1971.
Author: Angelo Cattaneo
Economic historians Virginia Rau, Federigo Melis, and more recently Luisa D'Arienzo identified four main types of merchandise that were traded between Italian cities and Portugal: textiles, especially wool cloth from Florence, silk from Florence and Lucca, and brocade and taffeta from Bologna; various manufactured products, including crockery, weaponry from the Brescia and Bergamesque valleys, and paper from Fabriano and Colle Val d'Elsa; artworks, such as illuminated codices, panel paintings, valuable furniture, statues and ceramics, especially from Florence and Venice; and finally, after the invention of printing, books about all branches of knowledge (especially grammar, rhetoric, theology, astrology, and classics rediscovered by Italian humanists in Latin, Italian, and Hebrew) that originated mainly from the stationery shops and printing presses of Florence, Venice, Bologna, and Rome.
Portugal exported mainly leather, dyes, dried fish and fruit, and in 1470 began to trade in Madeira sugar (particularly with Genoa and Florence) and slaves. Sugar and slaves established Portugal's economic fortune in the Mediterranean and helped strengthen its navigators' seafaring experiences through the use of carracks-large ships, round in form, that were adapted for long trips and armed for war-as well as the faster caravels.
In 1317 King Dinis of Portugal (1261-1325) appointed Manuele Pessagno of Genoa as almirante-mor (grand admiral) of the royal navy. Pessagno-who came from a family of ship owners from Liguria that arranged trade expeditions to England (ad partes Anglie)-had jurisdictional authority over all Portuguese seamen, as well as the crown's permission to transfer his position to his direct descendants. Commanding a Portuguese fleet around 1336, the Genoese nobleman Lanzarotto Malocello rediscovered one of the thirteen islands that classical Latin and Greek geographers had called Insulae Fortunatae (Fortunate Isles), a legendary archipelago located at the limits of the then-known world. It came to be called the Canary Islands after a name used by Pliny in his Historia Naturalis; five years later, in 1341, came the expedition partially sponsored by Dinis's son, Afonso IV. Led by Nicoloso da Recco and a Florentine named Angiolino del Tegghia de' Corbizzi, the Portuguese ships explored the entire Canary archipelago and probably Madeira as well. Recco, one of the twenty captains specified in Pessagno's contract from the Portuguese crown, was identified in the notary documents of the period as a speciarius (spice merchant). The crew was made up of various nationalities: Portuguese, Castillians, Majorcans, Genoese, and Florentines. A few Florentine merchants working in the Seville branch of the Compagnia dei Bardi bank collected Recco's report and sent it to the bank's headquarters. Written in the Florentine dialect, the report was translated into Latin by the young Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375); the poet and author was connected to the bank through his father. The De Canaria et insulis reliquis ultra Ispaniam in Occeano noviter repertis, written by Boccaccio in 1342, is the most complete surviving testimony of this voyage of discovery.
In the fifteenth century these relationships gradually became stronger. Links with prominent Italian centers of trade, culture, and politics and in particular Florence (home of the affluent Marchionni, Cambini and Sernigi merchants), Genoa and Venice were particularly important. The Mediterranean was filled with numerous vessels-Portuguese, Italian, Iberian. The Portuguese offered their services to Genoa, Florence, and Venice and also to Malaga, Valencia, and Majorca. At the same time, a network of consulates was created in the main Mediterranean ports of call, in addition to the cities already mentioned, the ports of Andalusia, North Africa, Sicily and Sardinia, as far as the Greek islands. These connections took place within a pan-European commercial network that linked the Mediterranean with the Atlantic: in Northern Europe, relevant ties were woven with Augsburg and Nuremberg in Germany and Bruges, and Antwerp in Flanders.
Florentine, Genoese, and Portuguese merchant companies also encouraged a constant presence of Portuguese students, clergy, and nobility at Italian universities and cultural centers. Bologna, Ferrara, Siena, Florence, Pavia, Padua, Perugia, and Pisa were academic centers that educated the most important Portuguese scholars of the era, awarding degrees in civil law, canon law, theology and philosophy. Portuguese students, monks, and nobles who moved to Italy received money from the crown through the network of agencies that handled currency exchange: the companies of Iacopo di Ser Vanni, the Ghinetti, and Bartolomeo Marchionni. Exchanges of funds were made from Florence in the main Italian city squares and at the papal curia.
An important chapter in the history of the relationships between Italian cities and Portugal concerns spice trade and the changing in world spice trade routes and equilibrium after Portuguese Expansion in the Indian and the Atlantic Ocean in the sixteenth century.
When Vasco da Gama's and Cabral's fleets returned to Lisbon respectively in 1499 and 1501 with a cargo of spices (Cabral had also a shipload of gold from Sofala) Venice was the most important Western hub for spices acquired through diplomatic and commercial relations with the Mamluks. Portuguese inruption on to the Eurasian spice trade at the very beginning of the sixteenth century with the inauguration of a dramatic oceanic route to the traditional areas of spice cultivation in the East, that is the Indian Malabar coast, Ceylon and, few decades later, the Moluccas in the Indonesian archipelago (Insulindia) challenged directly Venetian commercial interests.
Historical studies of the Portuguese spice trade convincingly produced by one of the doyens of Portuguese historical scholarship, Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, have unearthed most existing documentation relating to the sixteenth-century commerce and politics related to spices. According to Godinho the Portuguese Empire which, if diffuse, was basically an empire sustained by overseas commerce, providing 68% of Crown revenues in 1515, and in essence an empire of the East, in which oriental spices were the single most important source of revenue, more than all sources of Portuguese domestic revenue combined, and responsible for as much as 40% of total income accruing to the Crown. Portuguese history is dominated by this orientation until the 1580s, when the next great cycle of Portuguese economic history begins with the gradual substitution of her imperiled eastern possessions for the relative proximity and security of her Brazilian territories.
The traditional view, passed down through Adam Smith's classic An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, had suggested that the appearance of the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean sounded the death knell of Venetian long-distance trade. Ultimately, it seems that the Portuguese trade little damaged that of Venice and the Mediterranean in general (only for the first fifteenth years of the sixteenth century the Venetians disappeared from view in the global spice market), several crisis emerged between the Portuguese Crown and the Venetian Senate. The crucial issues in these crisis were related to the opening of a Crown feitoria (Crown Staple) in Antwerp in 1506 and the negotiations with the Venetians for the relinquishment of the re-export trade since 1521 and 1527, when the Venetian Senate is thought to have proposed D. João III that they make a contract for all the pepper arriving in Lisbon except that destined for domestic consumption. Finally, it was only by the end of the sixteenth century that medieval networks of trade dominated by Venetian supply were gradually substituted by new global trade networks dominated by the Portuguese and Dutch empires.
Basing themselves on the research on Portuguese and Italian commercial ties since the Middle ages, more recent studies on Portuguese and Italian literature mostly related to the debate on the use of Latin and the vernaculars; on the interaction of the Portuguese and Italian churches in the Counter-Reformation; on the Italian contribution to sixteenth-century Portuguese architecture and painting; on Italians in Portugal during the age of the Portuguese Expansion; on Portuguese patrons of the Florentine and Venetian book trade; on Portuguese students and clergy in Rome, Bologna and Florence; and on Portuguese royal collecting, have been constructing a wider comparative cultural analysis of the interaction of the two areas.
While challenging, once for ever, old views of these interactions (summarized by the motto "Italy gave, Portugal received"), these studies produce a more balanced and truthful view of these interactions, highlighting three main cultural processes: the separateness and incorporation of the Portuguese in Italy, and Italians in Portugal; the acquisition, appropriation and imitation of each other's cultures; and the creation and memorialization of the past.
In the framework of these investigations, scholars have also been focusing on what the word "Portoghese" meant in sixteenth-century Italian. "More often than one might imagine - Anthony Molho argues - it referred to a new Christian (a Jew converted to Christianity), or to a new Jew (a Jew who, having converted to Christianity, once again embraced Judaism). The presence of these "Portoghesi" was substantial in Livorno, Ancona, and Venice (but also Ferrara, Florence, and Rome). They had their own synagogues, were often referred to as the "Natione Portoghese", and, perhaps most crucially for scholars interested in the problem of cultural diffusion, until at least the opening decades of the eighteenth century used the Portuguese language to communicate with each other. [ ] These Portuguese were for centuries carriers of Portuguese culture in Italy".
Bibliography:
ALBUQUERQUE, L. de (ed.), Dicionário de história dos descobrimentos portugueses, 2 vol., Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, 1994. ALBUQUERQUE, L. de, Os descobrimentos portugueses, Lisboa: Publicações Alfa: Selecções do Reader's Digest, 1985. BATTELLI, G., "La corrispondenza del Poliziano col Re Giovanni II di Portogallo", in Rinascita, II, 6, Firenze, 1939. BATTELLI, G., Due celebri monaci portoghesi in Firenze nella prima meta del Quattrocento : l'abate Gomes e Velasco di Portogallo, Firenze, L. S. Olschki, 1939. BATTELLI, G., Sansovino Andrea e l'arte italiana della rinascenza in Portogallo : Con 24 riproduzioni di fotografie inedite, Frenze, Libr. Internaz. Seeber, 1936. CARNEMOLLA, S., Fonti italiane dei secoli XV-XVII sull'espansione portoghese, Pisa, ETS 2000. CATTANEO, A., "From the Mediterranean to the Atlantic. Venice, Florence and Lisbon. Commercial Routes and Networks of Knowledge, 1300-1550," in Encompassing the Globe: Portugal and the World in the 16th & 17th Centuries. Essays [Vol. 3]. Edited by Jay A. Levenson. Washington, D.C.: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, 2007 pp. 13-21. COSTA, A. Domingues de Sousa - "Estudantes portugueses na Reitoria do Colégio de S. Clemente de Bolonha na primeira metade do século XV", sep., Lisboa, 1969. D'ARIENZO, L., La presenza degli italiani in Portogallo al tempo di Colombo, Roma, Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato, 2003. DESWARTE, S., Le mage, le calice, les enluminures et le reste : Francesco Salviati et Francisco de Holanda entre Rome et Venise (1538-1540), Rome : École Française, 2001, pp. 313-353. DINIS, A. J. Dias (ed.), Monumenta Henricina 1443-1445, 15 voll. Coimbra, Comissão Executiva das Comemorações do V Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique, 1960-1978. DUREL, A., L'imaginaire des épices: Florence-Venise, XIVe-XVIe siècles, Paris, 2005. FARIA, A., Portugal e Itália, 2 volls, Livorno, 1900-1906. GODINHO, V. M., Os descobrimentos e a economia mundial. 2a ed., 4 vol., Lisboa : Presença, 1984. GODINHO, V. M., História económica e social da expansão portuguesa, tomo I, Lisboa: Terra-Editora, 1947. GODINHO, V. M., Mito e mercadoria, utopia e prática de navegar: séculos XIII-XVIII. Lisboa : Difel, 1990. HALIKOWSKI Smith, Portugal and the European Spice Trade, 1480-1580, Ph.D. Dissertation, Firenze, European University Institute, 2001. LOWE, K. (ed.), Cultural Links between Portugal and Italy in the Renaissance New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. LUZZATO, G., "La decadenza di Venezia dopo le Scoperte Geografiche nella tradizione e nella realtà", Archivio Veneto, quinta seria n. 54 (1954). MENDONÇA, M., "Alguns aspectos das relações entre Portugal e as repúblicas italianas nos últimos 25 anos do século XV", in Congresso Internazionale di studi storici, Génova, 1987. MOLHO, A., "Review of K. J. P. Lowe, Cultural Links between Portugal and Italy in the Renaissance. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000," Renaissance Quarterly, December 2001. MOREIRA de Sa, A., Humanistas portugueses em Italia. Subsidios para o estudo de Frei Gomes de Lisboa, dos dois Luises Teixeiras, de Joao de Barros e de Henrique Caiado, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional - Casa da Moeda, 1983. OLIVEIRA MARQUES, J., Veneza e Portugal no século XVI: subsídios para a sua história, Lisboa: CNCDP, Imprensa Nacional-Casa de Moeda, 2000. RADULET, C., Os descobrimentos portugueses e a Itália: ensaios filológicos-literários e historiográficos; introd. Luís Albuquerque; trad. Edite Caetano. Lisboa: Vega, D.L. 1991. RADULET, C., Thomaz, L. F., Viagens portuguesas à Índia (1497-1513): fontes italianas para o sua históri : o Códice Riccardiano 1910 de Florença; transcrição e apresent. Carmen M. RADULET; pref., trad. e notas Luís Filipe F. R. Thomaz, Lisboa : Comissão Nac. para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 2002. RAU, V., Melis, F., "Cartas de Lisboa no Arquivo Datini de Prato", in Estudos Italianos em Portugal, 21-22, Lisboa, 1963. RAU, V., Portugal e o Mediterrâneo no século XV: alguns aspectos diplomáticos e económicos das relações com a Itália, Lisboa: Centro de Estudos da Marinha, 1973. SILVA Marques, J. M. da - Iria, A. (a cura di), Descobrimentos portugueses: documentos para a sua história, 3 voll., Lisboa, Instituto para a Alta Cultura, 1944-1971.
Author: Angelo Cattaneo